The noose tightens around Bolsonaro. Whether it’s the theft of public assets like jewels or the attempted coup d’état – and so many other crimes – the fascist leader inches closer to prison with each passing day. There can’t be any other fate for him and his associates. His wife, Michelle Bolsonaro, and his four children are involved in all sorts of shady dealings and offenses.
However, a crucial absence draws attention. So far, the coup plotter generals have not been the target of investigations, indictments, and pretrial detentions ordered by the Supreme Federal Court (STF) upon the request of the Federal Police (PF). The Lula administration and the judiciary are mistaken in shielding the military leadership involved in the coup attempt. This needs to change.
There are countless pieces of evidence that this military leadership actively participated in the planning and execution of schemes to undermine the democratic and legal order. The Armed Forces played a central role in discrediting electronic voting systems, even enlisting the help of a hacker, Walter Delgatti, who confessed to the crime. The military command provided shelter and protection to the coup-related camps in front of the barracks for months. On the fateful day of January 8th, it is undeniable that there was military facilitation for the horde of fascists to invade the Three Powers.
The military command was linked to Bolsonaro since at least 2014 when he stated in a speech to the cadets of AMAN [The military academy where Bolsonaro graduated] that he would run for president in 2018. At that time, AMAN was under the command of General Tomás Paiva. Upon taking office, Jair appointed members of the olive-green leadership to key ministries and welcomed over 5,000 military personnel into well-paid positions within the federal government. Among other things, the Bolsonaro government was a military government. During the tragedy of the pandemic, which claimed the lives of over 700,000 Brazilians, an active-duty general, Eduardo Pazuello, led the Ministry of Health. The vice-president, Hamilton Mourão, was also a general. But that’s not all. The military either explicitly or implicitly provided cover for all the threats and coup-related actions of Bolsonaro over the past four years.
It cannot be that the military — especially those in high ranks — go unpunished after everything they have done in association with Jair Bolsonaro. If they are not investigated and held accountable, the coup strategy that persists within the Armed Forces will remain intact.
It cannot be that the military — especially those in high ranks — go unpunished after everything they have done in association with Jair Bolsonaro. If they are not investigated and held accountable, the coup strategy that persists within the Armed Forces will remain intact.
The current commander of the Army, Tomás Paiva, opportunistically dresses himself in the garb of democratic legality. He gives up rings to avoid losing his fingers. He seeks to preserve the military leadership after the failure of the Bolsonaro government and the defeat of the coup. He takes a step back, acknowledging Lula’s presidential authority. However, this is a tactical move for self-preservation. Where was the “democratic wing” of the Armed Forces between 2019 and 2022 when all sorts of atrocities were taking place in the country? No one saw them.
The Lula government and the military
Perhaps the main mistake made by Lula up to this point is allowing the shielding of the Armed Forces promoted by the Minister of Defense, José Múcio. There is no more opportune moment than this to engage in a discussion with Brazilian society about the need for profound reforms in the Armed Forces.
How much longer will the continuation of the coup-minded culture ingrained in the high-ranking military be allowed? The notion of combating the “internal enemy” (meaning: left, Black people, the poor, unions, social movements) that shapes the ideology of the barracks, the deeply rooted sense of guardianship over the branches of government, the immense material privileges of the top ranks, the squandering of public funds invested in the Armed Forces, and the impunity of the military for the crimes committed during the Dictatorship?
The argument from sectors of the government and the PT is that there isn’t enough balance of forces to take on this fight. If progress is not possible, even a little, at this moment, when will it be? Allowing the coup-plotting military leadership to go unpunished doesn’t represent a significant danger in the near future? It’s known that Bolsonarism, which still holds considerable influence in society and within the so-called “military family,” could later regain momentum if the Lula government faces moments of crisis and difficulty.
Contrary to taking necessary steps in this confrontation, the government is choosing to forge a pact with the current top brass of the Armed Forces, in the name of “calming the waters.” To appease the military, the New PAC [Growth Acceleration Program] project includes an investment of R$ 52.8 billion in the Armed Forces, more than what Education and Healthcare will receive in the program. In the recent past, PT-led governments also increased financial resources for the military, which didn’t prevent the Armed Forces from getting involved in the coup against Dilma, pressuring for Lula’s imprisonment, and supporting and sustaining Bolsonaro.
left-wing parties and social movements should actively engage in a national campaign for the arrest of Bolsonaro and the coup-plotting military officials. No amnesty!
In conclusion, we believe that left-wing parties and social movements should actively engage in a national campaign for the arrest of Bolsonaro and the coup-plotting military officials. No amnesty!
It’s also necessary to demand that the Lula government changes its political stance toward the Armed Forces, starting with the dismissal of José Múcio. The GSI [Office of Institutional Security], which enables military surveillance over all Presidential activities, should be shut down.
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