*Retired Professor at the Federal Institute of São Paulo. PhD in History from the University of São Paulo. Studied at the University of Lisbon (1975-78). Participated in Portugal’s ‘Carnation Revolution’ as a Trotskyist militant. Returned to Brazil in 1978 and joined Convergência Socialista. Took part in the reconstruction of the National Union of Students (UNE) in 1979, the foundation of the Workers’ Party (PT) in 1980, and the formation of the United Workers’ Central (CUT) in 1983. PT National Executive member (1989-92). PSTU National President (1994-98). Current member of the National Coordination of Resistência/PSOL. Author of several books including ‘O Martelo da História’ (The Hammer of History).
One should not change tactics when one is winning
Popular French proverb
The national day of protest on 3 July was a victory, and has left three lessons.
The first is that the strength of the ‘Frente Única da Esquerda’ (United Left Front) can keep and maintain strong pressure on the streets for impeachment. Bolsonaro’s downfall is not going to happen tomorrow, but it is posed as a possibility that is on the horizon. It is not imminent. In the big cities, we are still only at the level of tens of thousands, and the overthrow of the far-right government requires the presence of millions.
It is going to be an ongoing process and it is going to require determination. It must be built and worked towards, but it is a far superior prospect to the ‘quietista’ (passive, patient, silent) tactic of hoping that Bolsonaro is slowly weakened and of waiting for the 2022 elections. It would be an unforgivable opportunist error to miss this opportunity.
The second is that it is possible to divide, crack and open up breaches in the parties of the ruling class. This dynamic is still initial, incipient, embryonic, but it is in place and it cannot be squandered. One cannot fight against all enemies at the same time and with the same intensity. Unity in action with the parties that historically represent the bourgeoisie is essential. A sector of the big capitalists has already moved into opposition. But the mass of the bourgeoisie still supports Bolsonaro. Therefore, the apprehension and uncertainty around impeachment prevail. It would be the second interruption of a presidential mandate in a five-year interval. This reveals the regime’s instability to contain the excesses of a far-right government.
The impact of the shift of huge sectors of the middle classes to support for impeachment would be a spectacular victory, and would greatly aid a potential change in the political balance of forces in the National Congress. The support of liberal right-wing leaders for Bolsonaro’s impeachment is progressive. It would be an unforgivable sectarian error to disregard the importance of unity in action.
The third is the two actions by tiny groups in São Paulo that have unfortunately had dangerous repercussions. The first of these was the gratuitous attacks on ‘tucano’ (toucan) LGBT activists [the toucan is the symbol of the center-right Brazilian Social Democracy Party (PSDB)]. This was not an act of self-defense in the face of an attack by fascists. The PSDB militants are not fascists, and they were legitimately there in support of ‘Fora Bolsonaro’ (Bolsonaro Out).
The second was the vandalism and the provocation of Military Police (PM) at the end of the march, actions committed by anarchist fans of the ‘black bloc’ tactic. Similar events occurred on 19 June. Both actions are being widely used by the far-right across social media networks to denounce, disqualify and demoralize the mobilizations for impeachment. It would be an unforgivable ultra-left error not to guarantee security control at the next demonstrations.
The rallies in over 300 Brazilian cities, as well as many others around the world, confirm that the ‘Fora Bolsonaro’ campaign continues its accumulation of forces. In Porto Alegre and Fortaleza, for example, 3 July was bigger than 29 May and 19 June. In other capitals, the rallies were a similar size. In still others, they were a little smaller but still powerful. There was no leap in quality. But the characterization of the government’s maladministration as criminal has already seen the imposition by the Federal Supreme Court (STF) of the investigation into Bolsonaro.
The emergency call for the national day of demonstrations on 3 July was a clear and courageous decision. Given that the decision was taken on 26 June, the day after the revelation that Bolsonaro was linked to bribery allegations centered on Covaxin vaccine purchases, the risks were not small. Only a fortnight after the protests of 19 June, and still in the very dangerous conditions of the pandemic, the ‘Fora Bolsonaro’ committee was unanimous. The unity of the ‘Frente de Esquerda’ (Left Front) was preserved. Over the next seven days, both the political cracks and the support for the demonstrations grew, with ex-Bolsonarista and liberal right-wing leaders joining in.
The unified super petition for impeachment was also an intelligent initiative. It was jointly presented by all the left parties with roots among workers and with a reference to socialism, and thus in the same class camp, as well as by Bolsonarista dissidents such as federal deputy Joice Hasselmann and the right-libertarian Free Brazil Movement (MBL). This initiative was a firm and mature gesture.
This is a parliamentary tactic that can flourish. And it reassures and helps raise the morale of left-wing militants who are restless, tormented, and anxious in the face of the gravity of the health and social carnage and the time it is taking for the crisis to finally end. We all know that Bolsonaro will not fall from grace, and that there is still danger “around the corner”. But the most important thing is that on 3 July 2021 we moved closer to Bolsonaro’s impeachment.
It is not true to say that Bolsonaro is the ideal enemy in the second round of the 2022 elections. It is not true to say that the greatest danger to the strategy of a government of the left would be a candidate from the left of the liberal right. It is not true to say that impeachment would be of greater interest to the organizers of a right-wing candidate disguised as a center-right one. It is not true to say that the fight for impeachment now, with all our might, is building a stairway for the [PSDB] ‘tucanos’ to return to the presidency.
Bolsonarismo is not an electoral current, it is neo-fascism. It is preparing and will not hesitate to precipitate a frontal attack on democratic freedoms when it feels trapped at some point before the 2022 elections. Bolsonaro is becoming weaker, but he is not an unburied political corpse. He can recover. At some point, we will see a sense of relief as the effects of the pandemic subside. Economic recovery is already underway, albeit a slow one.
The defeat of the Bolsonaro government is only possible if the neo-fascist current that supports it is contained, isolated, suppressed, and demoralized. There is a militant neo-fascist party in the making that will serve as a strike force for the project of an ‘autogolpe’ (self-coup). They are inflexible, sectarian, angry, enraged, and therefore uncontainable. Their exaltations conform to a plan to spread hatred and impose fear. They are preparing themselves for the struggle for power. They rely on a current of mass reaction. They respect nothing but force.
Their strategy is to destroy the left. All of the left. The activists of the environmental, feminist, black, indigenous, LGBT, student, popular, and trade union movements. The most moderate and the most radical parties. They will not be intimidated by the decisions of Congress or the Federal Supreme Court (STF). They can only be defeated by a motivated, combative, determined, and unwavering militant left force.
Those who calculate that we can choose the ground on which to measure our strength against Bolsonarismo, and prioritize the electoral terrain, are tragically deceiving themselves. The political struggle against the neo-fascists will take place in every field: in the institutions, at the elections, but it will be decided by which social strike force is more powerful at the time of mass mobilizations. This mobilization against the fascists will only be able to galvanize the masses if, along with defending democratic freedoms, it also includes proposals that respond to their most heartfelt desires.
This article is an English translation of “Três lições de 3 de julho”, [https://esquerdaonline.com.br/2021/07/04/tres-licoes-de-3-de-julho/], Esquerda Online (EOL), 04/07/2021.
Translation: Bobby Sparks
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